Heart Attack Byproduct Linked to Brain Inflammation and Cognitive Decline

Researchers at the University of Ottawa has found that a heart attack may trigger neurological disorders and cognitive decline, and have identified the reactive molecule methylglyoxal as a potential driver of neuroinflammation after myocardial infarction. The research, published in the journal Advanced Science, adds to a growing body of evidence that injury to the heart can directly alter brain function through the “heart-brain axis.”

“Methylglyoxal has been widely studied for its role in metabolic diseases, including diabetes, but much less is known about its function in other diseases. In a previous study, we discovered that methylglyoxal was produced by dying heart tissue after a heart attack. Based on this evidence, we predicted that methylglyoxal in the blood would target other organs and tissues, including the brain—and this is what we did indeed observe,” said senior author Erik Suuronen, PhD, a professor in the department of surgery and director of the BEaTs research program at the University of Ottawa Heart Institute.

The researchers found that methylglyoxal-derived advanced glycation end products (MG-AGEs) accumulated in the brains of mice within hours after myocardial infarction and remained elevated seven days later. This accumulation resulted in neuroinflammation, activation of microglia and macrophages, increased inflammatory signaling, and disruption of the blood-brain barrier.

The study examined five brain regions in female and male mice after they induced myocardial infarction. Brain tissue was collected at six hours and seven days after the cardiac event. Researchers measured levels of MG-H1, the major MG-derived advanced glycation end product, along with glyoxalase-1, inflammatory cytokines, receptors for AGEs, activated microglia, and macrophages.

The work builds on a multiple earlier research studies linking cardiovascular disease and neurological disorders. Prior clinical studies have found that myocardial infarction and heart failure are associated with increased risks of dementia, depression, anxiety, and cognitive impairment. Patients with depression after myocardial infarction also face a greater risk of future cardiovascular events.

The heart-brain axis is the bidirectional relationship between cardiac and neurological function similar to the gut-brain axis. Changes in heart function can influence the brain, while neurological disease can also affect cardiovascular health. While the biological factors relating to this interaction are still emerging, the new research indicates that methylglyoxal may be one factor contributing to this relationship.

MG is produced as a byproduct of glycolysis and can react with proteins, lipids, and DNA, contributing to cellular dysfunction. Conditions associated with myocardial infarction, such as ischemia, inflammation, oxidative stress, and metabolic shifts toward anaerobic glycolysis, promote MG production while limiting its detoxification.

The mouse studies showed that the brainstem had the highest accumulation of MG-H1 after myocardial infarction, followed by the cortex. These same regions also showed elevated expression of inflammatory markers and receptors associated with MG-mediated signaling. Male mice exhibited higher MG-AGE accumulation and greater neuroinflammation than females in several brain regions.

The team also documented increases in inflammatory markers including NF-κB, TNF-α, and activated microglia across multiple brain regions. The cortex and brainstem demonstrated the highest inflammatory responses. According to the authors, the findings suggest a “region-specific vulnerability to glycation-induced stress post-MI.”

The findings could have implications for better understanding how heart attacks contribute to long-term neurological disease risk, including dementia and Alzheimer’s disease. The researchers noted that MG-AGEs already have recognized roles in neurodegenerative disease and mental health disorders.

The researchers have already used the information from the study to develop a peptide designed to trap methylglyoxal and prevent cellular damage, as a potential new therapy. The peptide will be tested for its ability to protect the brain after myocardial infarction.

“Given the increased risk of subsequent heart attacks or death in heart attack patients who experience depression or anxiety, being able to alleviate these conditions could reduce subsequent major cardiac events and improve the lives of countless patients, filling an urgent unmet clinical need,” Suuronen says.

The researchers said future work will examine how MG-driven inflammation contributes to neuron death and behavioral changes after myocardial infarction. They also plan further research to better understand the glyoxalase detoxification system, including glyoxalase-1 activity and glutathione levels.

The post Heart Attack Byproduct Linked to Brain Inflammation and Cognitive Decline appeared first on Inside Precision Medicine.

Aggression and emotional distress in adolescents: a cross-sectional chain mediation model of internet addiction and somatization

BackgroundAdolescent depression and anxiety are major public health concerns. Aggression is frequently associated with internalizing symptoms, but the behavioral and body related mechanisms underlying this association remain insufficiently clarified. This study examined a theoretically proposed chain mediation model linking aggression with depressive and anxiety symptoms through internet addiction and somatization.MethodsA cross-sectional survey was conducted among 5,307 high school students in Chongqing, China. Participants filled in the Buss and Perry Aggression Questionnaire (BPAQ), Internet Addiction Test (IAT), Patient Health Questionnaire – 15 (PHQ – 15), Patient Health Questionnaire – 9 (PHQ – 9) and Generalized Anxiety Disorder Scale – 7 (GAD – 7). Regression based chain mediation analyses with 5,000 bootstrap samples were performed using PROCESS Model 6, with gender and age controlled as covariates.ResultsThe results showed that aggression was positively correlated with depressive symptoms (β = 0.256, p < 0.001) and anxiety symptoms (β = 0.275, p < 0.001). Chain mediation analysis showed that aggression was indirectly associated with mental health through three distinct pathways: 1. the independent mediating effect of internet addiction; 2. the independent mediating effect of somatization; 3. the sequential chain mediating effect from internet addiction to somatization. The model explained more variance in depressive symptoms (R² = 58.2%) than in anxiety symptoms (R² = 53.5%). Furthermore, the association between somatization and depressive symptoms (β = 0.457) was stronger than that between somatization and anxiety symptoms (β = 0.428).ConclusionThis study supports a statistically significant chain mediation pattern in which aggression is associated with depressive and anxiety symptoms through internet addiction and somatization. The findings suggest that somatization may represent an important body related correlate in the association between maladaptive digital behavior and emotional distress, with a slightly stronger association observed for depressive symptoms than for anxiety symptoms. These findings highlight the importance of integrated school based interventions that address digital behavior regulation, somatic symptom monitoring, and emotional distress among adolescents with higher aggressive tendencies.

It’s time to address the looming crisis in entry-level work.

Artificial intelligence has not so far produced a clean story of mass unemployment. Aggregate employment in developed countries remains broadly stable, and recent assessments have found limited evidence that AI has shifted the headline numbers. But a troubling change may be hiding beneath the surface: the quiet weakening of the first rung of the career ladder.

The most worrisome evidence is showing up exactly where we should expect it first: in early-career hiring. A working paper released in November 2025 by the Stanford Digital Economy Lab found that workers aged 22 to 25 in the most AI-exposed occupations experienced a 16% relative decline in employment after the spread of generative AI, even after controlling for other factors that might affect firms’ employment decisions. An Anthropic report from March 2026 provides suggestive evidence that led to a similar conclusion.

More experienced workers in those same occupations did not suffer the same decline. Employment is not also declining in the entry-level jobs with low AI exposure. The concern is specific to early-career jobs that are exposed to AI.

That is not a minor signal. It suggests that firms may be using AI to substitute for the junior tasks through which people traditionally gain their first foothold—at least for those in jobs where generative AI is used extensively, like software developers, customer service representatives, computer programmers, and information systems managers.

The time is now to make changes in the way we train, prepare, and support young people who are about to enter the workforce. Educational institutions need to reorient for the era of an AI-augmented workforce. Governments must incentivize businesses to hire and train early-career workers. Businesses, in turn, need to recognize the importance of developing a long-term workforce experienced in AI—a process that begins with entry-level workers. And students themselves should take on the responsibility of not only becoming AI fluent but learning how to apply that knowledge in various fields.

In short, we must change the way we have traditionally thought of entry-level work.

This is especially true because the broader labor market for recent graduates is also softening. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York reported that in the fourth quarter of 2025, the unemployment rate for recent college graduates rose to 5.6%, while the underemployment rate (the share of graduates working in jobs that typically do not require a college degree) reached 42.5%, its highest level since the covid pandemic. No single statistic can prove that AI is the sole cause of that deterioration. Hiring in general is way down post-pandemic, and young people are particularly vulnerable to the slowdown. But it would be a mistake to ignore the possibility that AI is accelerating an already difficult transition from school to work.

Behind these statistics is a great deal of personal distress. Recent graduates today often submit hundreds of applications before they receive a single offer, and surveys consistently find elevated rates of anxiety, financial precarity, and burnout among young workers in extended job searches. If AI quietly closes the door on typical early jobs, people will pay the price in delayed independence, postponed family formation, and the sense that their first serious professional efforts have been refused.

It also matters because entry-level jobs are part of the economy’s training system. Junior analysts learn which numbers can be trusted. Young software developers learn how production systems fail. New marketers learn how customers behave outside the neat language of dashboards. Early-career legal and financial staff learn how rules, judgment, deadlines, and human relationships actually interact. If AI absorbs more of the drafting, triage, coding, summarizing, and administrative preparation that once helped train entry-level workers, firms may become more efficient in the short run while society becomes less capable in the longer run.

The right way to improve the skills of young workers is not to tell them, “Learn to code.” That advice, which shaped more than a decade of federal initiatives and university expansion, rested on the premise that coding was a stable, scalable skill almost anyone could learn and parlay into a middle-class job. The premise no longer holds. The layer of work AI handles well—translating a specification into routine code, reproducing standard patterns, debugging predictable errors—is precisely the layer that “learn to code” programs were built around.

Supervising AI systems in their work is now a much more relevant skill. So understanding the outputs AI systems produce will become very important.

To help people develop such skills, we should require universities, community colleges, and professional programs to embed AI literacy, data literacy, prompt-based workflow skills, verification skills, and domain judgment into ordinary degrees. Every graduate should know how to use AI tools, check their output, understand their limits, and combine them with human expertise. This matters even for graduates entering occupations that look relatively safe from AI, such as those in health care. Almost every job contains tasks—drafting, summarizing, scheduling, research, basic data work, routine communication—for which AI is already a substantial productivity tool.

The competition most young workers will experience is not human versus machine but colleague versus AI-augmented colleague. For most young workers, the realistic path to making themselves valuable is not to avoid AI but to become fluent in the technology and combine that with domain judgment, contextual reasoning, and human relationship skills. To this end, schools should emphasize paid co-ops, apprenticeships, and employer-linked projects so students build judgment in real workplaces before they graduate.

Governments should also create targeted tax credits, wage subsidies, and training grants for employers that hire early-career workers into structured, AI-augmented roles. The architecture for this kind of conditional, behavior-linked subsidy already exists in US tax policy. What is missing is a version of these instruments built specifically around early-career AI-augmented work.

Firms, for their part, should stop making hiring decisions based only on short-run cost savings from AI. Young workers are not valuable only for the tasks they perform this quarter. Their value lies in learning, skill formation, institutional memory, and future productivity. Entry-level hiring is not just an expense. It is an investment in the future stock of judgment inside the firm. The most effective AI-augmented senior workforce of the late 2030s will be drawn overwhelmingly from the junior cohort of today. Firms that automate away the learning stage may improve their immediate margins but find themselves, a decade from now, without anyone who understands how their own AI-driven workflows actually behave.

Students graduating this spring and next face a tough labor market in transition. AI fluency is becoming a commodity. Domain expertise without AI fluency is being outpaced. The combination is what is genuinely scarce. The mechanical engineer with knowledge of manufacturing and AI proficiency; the software programmer with knowledge of financial services who is also a whiz at AI—these are the types of people who will be in demand.

Georgios Petropoulos is an assistant professor at the USC Marshall School of Business. His research focuses on the implications of information technologies for innovation, competition policy, and labor markets.

A reality check on the AI jobs hysteria

Haven’t you heard? White-collar jobs are going away, decimated by AI. Waves of layoffs in the tech sector (most recently at Coinbase and Meta and Cisco) are said to presage what will soon come for all of us knowledge workers. But before you quit your job as a software developer or financial analyst—or tech journalist—and look to join the plumbers’ union, it’s worth considering today’s economic research on whether artificial intelligence has actually begun to devour white-collar work.

The short answer is: No.

Despite the warning by some of an imminent jobs apocalypse that will destroy much of if not most such work, or the rumblings about a “permanent underclass,” there’s scant evidence that AI has yet had any large-scale impact on the US labor market. 

Analysis of the data gathered for the US Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) shows that the unemployment rate for the jobs potentially most affected by AI is actually lower than that for occupations less exposed to the technology. And, critically in the mind of economists, there are no signs that large numbers of people are shifting from jobs threatened by AI to supposedly safer ones, such as those involving mostly manual labor.

While the current labor statistics don’t preclude a sudden job upheaval in the coming years, they do throw doubt on the inevitability of the doomsday scenarios and the pace at which they’d unfold. Everyone in the AI community, it seems, is predicting that the technology will soon wipe out jobs, and everyone, it also seems, knows some young wannabe workers who can’t find one. Perhaps we haven’t seen any major disruption in the labor market statistics yet, people often say, but just wait. 

But maybe we should pay attention to what the data is showing us. And right now, the numbers paint a picture of a relatively stable labor market in which AI disruptions remain largely speculative.

“It could be disruptive, but the data is telling us right now that disruption is not yet here, and we have time to plan.”

“All of the available evidence to date suggests that AI’s impact on current labor market conditions is likely small right now,” says Erika McEntarfer, a labor economist who headed the BLS until President Trump fired her last fall after a jobs report that displeased the administration. (Not surprisingly, BLS reports of sluggish job growth have continued since her dismissal.)

McEntarfer, who is now a fellow at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research, says the relatively small impact that AI is having so far on today’s labor market “surprises many people, but it shouldn’t. What we know from history is that it takes time for innovations to work their way through changes in industries and changes in occupations. AI is unlikely to transform labor markets until it first transforms businesses.”

McEntarfer points to US Census data showing that only one in five companies are using AI in any business function. “The data are a great reality check on the fear that AI will be enormously disruptive,” she says. “It could be. It likely will be disruptive, but the data is telling us right now that disruption is not yet here, and that we have time to plan.”

Things ain’t great—but the question is why

The US job market, to be sure, sucks for many, especially younger would-be workers. Unemployment rates for recent college graduates stand at around 5.6%, well above the level for all workers. It’s a rate not seen since the pandemic and the years immediately after the 2008 recession. Even more troubling is that hiring rates have been particularly dismal during the post-covid economy, a trend that hits hard at young people trying to enter the workforce. If you’re a recent college graduate and looking for a tech job, no one, it can seem, is hiring.

There are signs that AI is contributing to the pain for the 22-to-25-year-olds seeking jobs in software development and other occupations that are feeling a big impact from AI. But these professions represent just a sliver of the overall labor market. What’s more, it’s uncertain how much blame AI should get for the job woes. Similarly unknown is whether the loss of entry-level jobs in AI-exposed occupations is a harbinger of what’s coming for others or simply an isolated symptom of what economists refer to as a “low-fire, low-hire” labor market caused by a variety of macroeconomic forces.

Insights into these uncertainties will tell us much about our working fates in the transition to an AI economy. There are no shortage of confident assertions and predictions about what is about to happen; while some people forecast the end of work, others say economic history teaches us that technology advances always lead to more and better jobs eventually. 

The honest answer is that no one knows for sure what AI will bring and whether this time will be different. To help figure it out, we need better and far more comprehensive data.

The statistics gleaned from the federal government’s monthly survey of 60,000 households for the BLS provide a broad overview of the changes to the labor market, while academics and even some AI companies have begun trying to gain a more granular view of specific jobs that are being affected. But the existing data-gathering tools don’t adequately explain how AI is affecting the huge and diverse US labor market.

There’s a long list of questions that we don’t have the data to fully answer. How is AI being used in the workplace? Does the increased use of AI mean the technology will replace workers, or will it make them more productive and valuable? Which occupations and skills are most affected? Who is in most peril from the changes? As David Deming, a professor of economics at Harvard University, puts it: “We’re sort of flying blind.”

To gather more insight into some of these questions, Deming and his colleagues have been surveying several thousand people every three months since 2024, asking them basic questions: Do you use generative AI, and how often? Does it save you time at work? Tracking the answers over time gives the economists important clues (it’s used by a little over 40% of workers but adoption varies by sectors) and allows them to estimate productivity gains (they’ve found some, but nothing economy-shaking). It has also helps document how quickly AI has been adopted in the workplace and how it compares with earlier technologies such as the PC and the internet (the pace has been faster but roughly in the same ballpark).

It’s far from a complete picture of how AI is changing work. But it provides some intriguing results; for example, a fair number of workers in manufacturing and other industrial sectors have tried AI. Deming’s results show that while businesses in general might be relatively slow to formally adopt the technology, lots of their employees are using it.

Getting a picture of these early adopters and how they’re using AI provides a “crystal ball for the future of the labor market,” Deming says. “It gives you important clues about how it’s going to be used tomorrow, and who’s going to be affected, and who’s going to be harmed and how do we need to get ready for it. It’s a diagnostic of what’s coming down the road.”

But what it doesn’t tell you is the fate of various jobs.

The young are most vulnerable

Analysis of how AI will affect jobs typically begins with identifying so-called exposure of various occupations to the technology. This approach is based on the idea that any given job is a collection of tasks. By evaluating which tasks can be performed by, say, the latest large language model, researchers gauge an occupation’s overall exposure. A small army of economists have created a slew of such studies, meticulously ranking hundreds of jobs and scrambling to update the results as the capabilities of generative AI keep exploding. 

The results have often triggered a panic, with graphics showing the growing vulnerability of different jobs to AI.

But by themselves the exposure results are not a true predictor of which jobs will be lost to AI. That depends on the kinds of tasks done by the technology, the extent to which the AI is adopted, various business calculations about the value of workers, and even the costs of deploying AI. But the exposure findings are a valuable starting point. 

In a working paper called “Canaries in the Coal Mine? Six Facts about the Recent Employment Effects of Artificial Intelligence,” researchers at the Stanford Digital Economy Lab looked at 950 jobs, placing the occupations into five categories from least exposed to most. Then they used a vast data set from ADP, the world’s largest payroll provider, to look at employment growth in each of the categories. Their exclusive access to the ADP data set, which is far larger than the one available through the BLS, allows the researchers to better spot impacts by demographic. When they examined what was happening to different age groups, says Erik Brynjolfsson, the director of the lab who led the effort, “it was extremely striking.”

They spotted the drop in head count for 22-to-25-year-olds in the most exposed occupations, such as software development and customer service, beginning in late 2022, when ChatGPT was first publicly released. Other researchers reported evidence that the decline in these jobs began well before ChatGPT and questioned whether the labor market could react so quickly to the introduction of AI technology. 

But while the Stanford researchers acknowledge that other factors in addition to AI probably contributed to the early declines, they say that after controlling for those factors, they saw convincing evidence of a significant effect from AI after 2024 and growing in 2025 to a 16% decline in entry-level jobs in AI-exposed occupations. In contrast, head count grew for older workers in the same occupations, as did the number of jobs in the less exposed occupations.

Digging deeper into the data, the researchers found another important clue, though one that wasn’t totally unexpected. The impact on head counts depended on how AI was being used. It was specifically the jobs where tasks could be automated (that is, AI could do them “with minimal human involvement”) that accounted for the decrease in employment—jobs for people like software developers. In jobs where AI was mainly used but to augment human work, head counts grew faster than the average for entry-level workers.

That’s consistent with one explanation for the woes of many young would-be workers. It could be, according to the Stanford paper, that entry-level jobs depend more on the types of knowledge that people acquire through education but that can readily be mimicked by AI; the authors call this codified knowledge. It might be particularly easy to automate such tasks as entry-level coding. In contrast, older workers have more so-called tacit knowledge, the type based on their experience. That type of wisdom is harder for AI to replace.

Despite the findings about AI’s impact on young workers, Bharat Chandar, an economist at Stanford and one of the authors (along with Brynjolfsson and Ruyu Chen), stresses that it’s still early when it comes to understanding how the technology will affect jobs in the future. It could be that the job loss will spread to older workers and to less AI-exposed occupations, he says. But Chandar says it is also possible that firms and workers will adjust to shifting labor demands, and the effects will level off or even disappear.

To track how it plays out, the Stanford Digital Economy Lab is about to launch a regularly updated project providing data on how AI is transforming the economy.

The Stanford research and other work has put a particular spotlight on coding, a task at which AI is getting extremely adept. 

A recent paper by economists at the Federal Reserve Board found, not surprisingly, that annual employment growth for coders has slowed significantly—by about 3%—since the introduction of ChatGPT. But here’s a critical detail: Overall employment for coders continues to grow. Employment in coding jobs is still rising, they noted, just more slowly than before 2022. 

In short, coding jobs are not going away, at least not anytime soon. But it’s an occupation that is clearly being transformed by AI.

One of the somewhat surprising wrinkles uncovered by recent research is that wages in sectors highly exposed to AI have risen relatively fast since the introduction of ChatGPT. One explanation is that employers are still willing to pay for the kinds of knowledge and experience that are, at least for now, hard to replace with AI. If true, this suggests not the end of work in AI-exposed jobs but, more specifically, the demise of the typical career model in which young graduates are hired to do software tasks that can be automated and are slowly trained to gain that valuable tacit experience. The earn-while-you-learn model might finally be broken—at least for some occupations.

The simple truth could be that coding skills are no longer a guarantee of a job. That may help to explain the drop-off of computer science majors at schools around the country. Future canaries in the cubicles are sniffing out the dangers of looking for a job when their skills can be matched by AI.

But a closer look at the data shows that students are not necessarily turning away from AI-related careers. Rather, they appear to be tailoring their skills to the changes they see underway as AI becomes increasingly important for various disciplines. Interest is rising in AI-adjacent fields like data science and cybersecurity. One fast-growing major: artificial intelligence itself (a recent addition to many college offerings).

Is this time different?

Anxiety over the potential of AI to replace workers is nothing new. I wrote “How Technology Is Destroying Jobs” in 2013, describing how a slew of new digital technologies, including AI, were beginning to threaten white-collar work. I wasn’t alone. It was a popular theme at a time when the labor market was sluggish and jobs were scarce. 

In one of his last days in office in late 2016, President Obama issued a report written by his top economic and science advisors warning that AI was threatening workers. Among the findings was that automated vehicles—especially driverless trucks—could eliminate 2.2 million to 3.1 million existing US jobs.  Around the same time, one of the pioneers of AI, Geoffrey Hinton, said that “people should stop training radiologists” because it was “completely obvious” the occupation was soon to be replaced by AI.

None of these predictions came true, of course (nor did so-called technological unemployment occur during several earlier tech-related job panics). The forecasts were often wrong about the pace of the technological advances—we’re still waiting for fleets of driverless trucks on the highways—and failed to understand the complex portfolio of tasks that make up many jobs. AI has indeed become a tool for screening radiology images, but there are more radiologists than ever. It turns out that human radiologists perform a multitude of valuable tasks, including interpreting results and interacting with patients, that can’t be accomplished with AI (yet).

Perhaps this time is different, and we can put aside the lessons of economic history. Certainly, AI has gained unimaginable powers to do humanlike tasks. Perhaps it will devour jobs in ways that we’ve never seen before. And perhaps that will happen abruptly, without a warning buried in the labor statistics. But the previous bouts of AI job anxiety still hold a prescient lesson: Our real focus needs to be less on the dystopian fears and more on the very real transitions in the workplace that will likely affect millions of people.

“Even if there is not mass or even increased unemployment, the transition could still be very difficult,” says Jed Kolko, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics and former undersecretary of commerce in the Biden administration. “And what does a difficult transition period mean? It means people losing jobs, or people’s jobs being redefined in ways that make those jobs pay worse or be less meaningful. And some people whose jobs are threatened may not be able to adapt.”

The more we understand this transition, the better prepared we’ll be to deal with it.  And for that we’ll need better and more complete data.

For McEntarfer, the former commissioner of the BLS, the real question is the speed of any disruption. “If it happens at the normal pace of technological change, labor markets will have time to adapt. If there is a sudden and severe disruption, then that will be a big challenge for policymakers,” she says. “That’s really the most important question facing us right now: how rapid this transformation is going to be.” And, she adds, “we’ll know by watching the data.”

Two decades ago, the country was caught flat-footed by the so-called China shock as free-trade policies led to an influx of imports and the devastation of manufacturing jobs in many parts of the country. It took years for researchers to understand the data showing how the trade policies, generally welcomed by economists, were destroying communities. Today the threat of an economic transformation brought on by AI is far larger and points to potentially far more damage for huge groups of workers.

To head off another devastating labor transition, we will need well-timed government and business policies, especially programs to train and reskill workers. If McEntarfer and other labor economists are correct, we probably have time to design deliberate and effective strategies to manage the transition. But first we need to better understand what is going on—and how fast.

It’s hard to find an economist who is more enthusiastic about AI’s future than Stanford’s Brynjolfsson, who believes that we’re likely on the brink of a huge boost that will transform the economy. “Perhaps the best productivity growth of my lifetime is coming up,” he says.

But Brynjolfsson also warns that a lack of data is severely limiting our visibility into the economic and societal impacts that are coming. At a time when hundreds of billions are being spent on rolling out the technology, he says, “we’re not investing even 1% of that on understanding the transition.”

Testing a Smartphone-Based Intervention Targeting Anxiety Sensitivity Among Women Presenting for Emergency Care After Sexual Assault: Pilot Randomized Controlled Trial

Background: Anxiety sensitivity (AS), defined as the fear of anxious arousal, is a promising therapeutic target for reducing posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptom development after trauma exposure. Initial research suggests that smartphone-based AS interventions may be acceptable to sexual assault survivors at risk for PTSD symptoms and effective for symptom reduction, but only small one-arm proof-of-concept studies have been conducted. Objective: The goal of this study was to extend prior proof-of-concept work by conducting a pilot randomized controlled trial. The aims were to evaluate intervention efficacy, AS and PTSD symptom change, the acceptability and credibility of a control intervention, and the feasibility of a larger randomized controlled trial. Methods: A total of 60 women with high AS presenting for emergency care after sexual assault were recruited and randomized to either the AS intervention or a control condition, and they were followed up with for over 6 months via remote self-report questionnaires. Results: The findings indicated that the study population is at risk and in need of intervention: 88.8% (40/45) and 80.6% (29/36) of women sexual assault survivors in the sample met the criteria for probable PTSD at 7 weeks and 6 months post assault, respectively. Most (16/27, 59.3%) individuals receiving the AS intervention who completed it rated it as acceptable (eg, 18/21, 85.7% reported that the treatment was helpful). Early within-group reductions were not statistically significant, but by month 6, statistically significant reductions in AS and PTSD symptoms were observed in both conditions. Recruitment and retention data supported the feasibility of the study design, although some suggestions were noted for future research (eg, improving intervention and ecological momentary assessment compliance). Conclusions: This pilot study replicated the proof of concept and acceptability of a novel smartphone-based intervention targeting AS delivered to women sexual assault survivors presenting to emergency care. Intervention completion was in line with or better than traditional therapy but remained a challenge. Our selected control condition demonstrated a larger effect than expected, and we were unable to track its initiation or completion, causing difficulty in drawing conclusions. Overall, the results highlight the need for additional research. Trial Registration: ClinicalTrials.gov NCT05305235; https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT05305235
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Long-term psychological and functional outcomes after hepatitis C eradication with direct-acting antivirals: an 80-month follow-up study

IntroductionDirect-acting antivirals (DAAs) have dramatically changed hepatitis C virus (HCV) treatment, by achieving high virological cure rates and a reduced percentage of adverse events compared with previous treatments. Despite this, long-term psychiatric and quality-of-life (QoL) outcomes after viral eradication remain insufficiently understood. This study provides an 80-month follow-up of a previously evaluated cohort.MethodsOf the original 62 patients, 24 (38.7%) were reassessed approximately 80 months after DAA initiation. Psychopathological symptoms (HAM-D, HAM-A, SCL-90-R), coping strategies (COPE), and QoL (SF-36) were evaluated and compared with baseline (T0). Patients were stratified by psychiatric history (Group P vs. Group NP). Non-parametric tests and exploratory correlations and regressions were performed.ResultsIn Group P, depressive and anxiety symptoms significantly improved from T0 to follow-up (HAM-D: 16 vs. 3, p < 0.01; HAM-A: 15 vs. 4, p < 0.01), with additional reductions in SCL-90-R Interpersonal Sensitivity, Paranoid Ideation, and Psychoticism (all p < 0.05). Group NP showed stable psychological profiles, reflecting the maintenance of improvements already observed at T1, with significant reductions in HAM-D (7 vs. 4, p < 0.01) and HAM-A (8 vs. 4, p < 0.001). Both groups demonstrated a significant decline in SF-36 Physical Component Summary (Group P: p < 0.05; Group NP: p < 0.01). No between-group differences were detected at follow-up. Avoidant coping and psychiatric history were significant negative predictors of long-term anxiety change.ConclusionsSeven years after HCV eradication, psychological well-being remains stable or improved, while physical QoL declines. DAAs demonstrate sustained long-term psychiatric safety, underscoring the need for integrated medical–psychological follow-up in HCV survivors.

Role of psychological resilience and psychological distress in linking fear of disease progression to quality of life in chronic heart failure: a cross-sectional serial mediation analysis

ObjectiveTo examine whether psychological resilience and psychological distress serially mediate the association between fear of disease progression and quality of life (QoL) in patients with chronic heart failure (CHF).MethodsThis cross-sectional study enrolled 212 patients with CHF admitted between June 2023 and June 2025. Assessment tools included a demographic questionnaire, the Fear of Progression Questionnaire (FoP-Q), the Connor–Davidson Resilience Scale (CD-RISC), the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales-21 (DASS-21), and the Minnesota Living with Heart Failure Questionnaire (MLHFQ). Correlation and serial mediation analyses were performed using IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, version 22.0, and the PROCESS macro, with the bootstrap method (5,000 resamples) used to test the mediation effects.ResultsThe mean scores were 43.60 ± 8.32 for FoP-Q, 52.71 ± 14.28 for CD-RISC, 44.29 ± 10.68 for DASS-21, and 48.63 ± 10.85 for MLHFQ. Correlation analysis indicated that FoP was negatively correlated with psychological resilience (r = −0.775) and positively correlated with psychological distress and MLHFQ scores (r = 0.868 and 0.773, respectively; all P < 0.05). Psychological resilience was negatively correlated with both psychological distress and MLHFQ scores (r = −0.728 and −0.744, respectively), while psychological distress was positively correlated with MLHFQ scores (r = 0.745; all P < 0.05). The mediation model revealed a direct effect of FoP on QoL (effect = 0.629, 41.14%), along with three indirect pathways: via psychological resilience alone (effect = 0.508, 33.22%), via psychological distress alone (effect = 0.344, 22.50%), and via the serial pathway from psychological resilience to psychological distress (effect = 0.048, 3.14%).ConclusionPatients with CHF exhibited elevated levels of FoP and generally reduced QoL. Psychological resilience and psychological distress served as significant serial mediators in the relationship between FoP and QoL. FoP could directly reduce QoL in patients with CHF and indirectly affect it by decreasing psychological resilience and exacerbating psychological distress. Clinical attention should be directed toward assessing the psychological status of patients with CHF, improving psychological resilience, alleviating negative emotions, reducing the adverse impact of FoP, and enhancing patients’ QoL.

Beyond the auditory: anxiety bridges sleep disturbances and depressive symptoms to tinnitus handicap

BackgroundTinnitus is closely associated with psychological factors including anxiety, depression, and sleep disturbances. However, how these variables interact to influence tinnitus severity remains poorly understood, warranting further exploration.MethodsThis retrospective study analyzed data from 285 patients with tinnitus, utilizing the Tinnitus Handicap Inventory (THI), Self-Rating Depression Scale (SDS), Self-Rating Scale of Sleep (SRSS), and Self-Rating Anxiety Scale (SAS) as assessment instruments. Univariate and multivariate regression analyses were performed to identify psychosocial factors associated with THI scores. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was employed to examine the mediating role of anxiety—specifically, whether sleep disturbances and depression exacerbate tinnitus handicap indirectly through heightened anxiety. Subgroup analyses were further conducted to evaluate the stability of this psychological mediation pathway across different demographic and clinical subgroups (e.g., age, gender, disease duration).ResultsTinnitus severity was significantly positively correlated with scores on the SRSS, SDS, and SAS (all P < 0.05). Multivariate regression analysis identified age, sleep quality (SRSS), and anxiety (SAS) as independent predictors of increased Tinnitus Handicap Inventory (THI) scores. Structural equation modeling further confirmed that SAS partially mediated the relationship between SRSS and THI (mediation effect: 31.7%) and fully mediated the relationship between SDS and THI. Subgroup analyses revealed that the mediating effect of anxiety was more pronounced in middle-aged and elderly individuals, females, and patients with left-sided tinnitus.ConclusionAnxiety serves as a central mediating mechanism linking sleep disturbances and depressive symptoms to tinnitus severity. The present findings demonstrate that anxiety not only directly exacerbates tinnitus-related handicap but also mediates the influence of sleep and mood disturbances on tinnitus distress. These findings underscore the critical role of anxiety in personalized tinnitus treatment.