Conceptualizing Acceptance and Knowledge as Process Variables in Internet-Delivered and Therapist-Supported Cognitive Behavioral Therapy and Acceptance and Commitment Therapy in Primary Care for Insomnia: Pilot Feasibility and Process-Oriented Randomized Controlled Trial
Background: Internet-based interventions for insomnia show promise, but understanding the process variables, such as knowledge acquisition and psychological acceptance, is crucial for enhancing digital adherence and clinical effectiveness. Objective: This study aimed to evaluate the feasibility, adherence, and preliminary clinical signals of 2 therapist-assisted interventions—internet-delivered cognitive behavioral therapy (iCBT) and internet-delivered acceptance and commitment therapy (iACT)—for insomnia in a primary care setting. Methods: This was a pilot randomized controlled trial. Adults seeking help for insomnia (n=18) were recruited via primary care and randomized to either a 5-module iCBT or iACT program delivered via a secure digital platform with weekly therapist feedback. Blinding of participants and therapists was not possible due to the nature of the interventions. Primary outcomes included the Insomnia Severity Index; secondary outcomes included the 9-item Patient Health Questionnaire, 7-item Generalized Anxiety Disorder, and WHO Disability Assessment Schedule. A novel sleep knowledge test was used as a process variable. The data were analyzed using split-plot analyses of variance (intention-to-treat or last observation carried forward and complete case analysis) and nonparametric Friedman and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Results: A total of 18 participants were randomized (iCBT: n=9; iACT: n=9). High attrition was observed, with only 33.3% (n=3) of iCBT and 55.6% (n=5) of iACT participants completing all modules. The iACT group demonstrated a significant within-group reduction in insomnia severity (=.01, Friedman test), whereas iCBT results were nonsignificant (=.10, Friedman test). No significant between-group differences were found for any clinical or process variables. Participants rated both treatments as credible (Credibility/Expectancy Questionnaire scores remained stable), though qualitative feedback indicated a need for more flexible, less burdensome content. Conclusions: This pilot study demonstrates that while internet-delivered insomnia treatments are feasible and credible in primary care, high attrition remains a significant barrier. Preliminary signals suggest that iACT may be a viable alternative to iCBT, potentially offering better adherence. Larger, fully powered pilot randomized controlled trials (estimated N=404) with refined recruitment and automated retention strategies are required to determine definitive comparative efficacy and the mediating role of sleep knowledge and acceptance. Trial Registration: Research and Development in the Västra Götaland Region (FoU i VGR) 272866;
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Feasibility of Videoconference-Based Cognitive Behavioral Therapy for Somatic Symptom Disorder: Single-Arm Pilot Trial
Background: Somatic symptom disorder (SSD) is a mental disorder marked by persistent somatic symptoms and maladaptive health-related thoughts, feelings, or behaviors. Cognitive behavioral therapy has been shown to be effective in treating SSD, reducing patients’ somatic symptoms, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms. However, challenges remain—including limited access to treatment. Videoconference-based cognitive behavioral therapy (vCBT) has emerged as a promising approach, offering flexible and tailored treatment while addressing the shortage of medical resources and potentially reducing patient dropout. Objective: This study examined the feasibility of vCBT for patients with SSD and explored secondary outcomes related to the physical component of health-related quality of life (HRQOL) as assessed using the Medical Outcomes Study 36-Item Short Form Health Survey (SF-36) physical component summary (PCS) score and other exploratory clinical outcomes. Methods: This single-arm pilot trial evaluated feasibility as the primary outcome assessed via recruitment rate, retention rate, session completion rate, and safety. Ten participants with SSD were enrolled, and all received 6 weekly 50-minute vCBT sessions. Secondary outcomes included physical HRQOL (SF-36 PCS) as the key secondary outcome, as well as mental HRQOL, depressive symptoms, somatic symptom severity, anxiety symptoms, health anxiety, pain, insomnia, and generic HRQOL. These outcomes were measured at the preintervention (week 0) and postintervention (week 6) time points and 1-month follow-up (week 10) and were analyzed using 2-sided paired tests. Results: All feasibility criteria were met, with a recruitment rate of 83.3% (10/12), a retention rate of 100% (10/10), a session completion rate of 100% (10/10), and no adverse events reported. The SF-36 PCS score improved by 4.99 points at the postintervention time point, representing a large within-group effect (Cohen =0.99, 95% CI 0.21‐1.74). Medium to large improvements were also observed in mental HRQOL, depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, health anxiety, pain, insomnia, and generic HRQOL, and most of these improvements were observed at the 1-month follow-up. Conclusions: Our findings indicate that vCBT is a feasible and safe approach for SSD, with findings suggesting acceptability and preliminary evidence of effectiveness. Trial Registration: University Hospital Medical Information Network Clinical Trials Registry UMIN000046138; https://center6.umin.ac.jp/cgi-open-bin/ctr/ctr_view.cgi?recptno=R000052664
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Multi-site Feasibility of an Integrated Treatment for the Biology and Experience of Depression: The MULTIBED Study
Interventions: Behavioral: Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT); Device: Whole-Body Hyperthermia
Sponsors: University of California, San Francisco; National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health (NCCIH)
Not yet recruiting
I’m scared of everything — what does it mean and how do I get over it?
What you’re describing sounds really overwhelming. I’m glad you reached out. The fears you mention — being scared of doing something against your will, worrying you might not have control, and feeling intensely concerned about being judged — are patterns I often see in people with anxiety and, sometimes, people with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). A hallmark of OCD is a deep doubt about control: the fear that you might act in a way that goes against your values, even though you don’t want to. These kinds of fears are called intrusive thoughts. While intrusive thoughts can feel very real and frightening, they are not things you actually intend to do or predictions of things that you will do — they’re unwanted experiences that don’t define you.
Avoiding sports and other things for fear of being judged is also a symptom of anxiety. I can understand how hard it is to tell your family what you’re going through, especially if you have felt ignored in the past. At the same time, your pain deserves to be heard and taken seriously. I encourage you to try talking to your parents again, but if you truly feel like you can’t, consider telling one safe person — whether that’s another family member, a school counselor, or even a teacher you trust. You can write how you’re feeling in a note if speaking feels too hard.
The physical symptoms you mentioned — neck and shoulder pain, fidgeting — are also common in anxiety because our bodies can hold tension when our brains are on high alert. What this likely means is that your brain is caught in a fear loop, constantly scanning for danger around control and judgment.
The good news is that this is very treatable. A mental health professional may recommend a type of cognitive behavioral therapy called exposure and response prevention (ERP). ERP helps you gradually face the situations or thoughts you fear instead of looking for reassurance from someone else or avoiding those situations or thoughts altogether. Over time, ERP teaches your brain that thoughts are just thoughts, not actions, and that you can tolerate uncertainty without something bad happening.
For now, you might try gently labeling upsetting thoughts as anxiety, not facts, and practicing not accepting them as true when they show up. Taking small steps toward what you’ve been avoiding can help you rebuild your confidence, even if it feels uncomfortable at first.
While you can practice managing anxiety or intrusive thoughts on your own, it’s better to have help. Once you talk to someone you know and trust, have them help you reach out to a mental health professional who can provide a more thorough assessment and the appropriate treatment for you. You don’t have to go through this alone, and with the right support, this can get much better.
The post I’m scared of everything — what does it mean and how do I get over it? appeared first on Child Mind Institute.
AI-Guided CBT for Depression and Anxiety
Interventions: Behavioral: AI-Guided Cognitive Behavioral Therapy; Behavioral: Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT)
Sponsors: Aleksandra Stojanovic
Recruiting
What Is Traumatic Separation?
You may have a memory of being separated from a parent when you were a child, even just for a few minutes. Maybe you lost them in a crowd or wandered a little too far at the store and felt panicked and afraid.
A moment like this might be among your earliest memories because the feeling was so intense, says Caitlyn Downie, LCSW, the Director of Trauma and Resilience at the Child Mind Institute. That offers some insight into the fear of a child of any age who is separated from a parent or caregiver in a more serious way. The effects of this stress are so powerful they can actually change the way a child develops.
A toddler whose mother goes to prison. A kindergartener whose father is detained and deported. A teen who is placed in foster care. These are a few examples of what experts call traumatic separation, a clinical concept based on the importance of the parent-child bond and the profound effects that can result from breaking it.
What is traumatic separation?
Traumatic separation isn’t a clinical diagnosis, but research shows that it can be profoundly harmful to kids. What makes it traumatic (as opposed to routine partings, like when an adult regularly leaves their child to go to work) is the character of the separation: ones that are sudden, unexpected, or confusing, or those that come about through larger distressing events, like a natural disaster or war. It’s not defined by the time spent apart — both short and long-term separations can be harmful.
Some common examples of separation that can become traumatic include:
- Parental deportation
- Immigration (e.g., forced separation at the border)
- Parental military deployment
- Parental incarceration
- Termination of parental rights
Separating from a parent or primary caregiver can be distressing to a child even when it’s deemed necessary for their safety, as in cases where the parent they have been separated from has abused them, says Kimberly Alexander, PsyD, a psychologist at the Child Mind Institute. “There’s still a natural attachment that occurs. And the separation disrupts that relationship, even if it’s for the support and care of the child.”
Why is traumatic separation harmful?
More than eight decades of research has shown the profound developmental importance of the parent-child bond. This is the guiding principle of attachment theory, which was pioneered by a British psychologist who studied children who were evacuated during the Blitz, the aerial bombardment of London in World War II.
Here’s what the research tells us about the harms of traumatic separation:
It can disrupt secure attachment
Think of secure attachment as a “fundamental sense of security and safety” that a child feels with a parent or caregiver, says Dylan Gee, PhD, a psychologist at Yale University who studies how early-life stress affects children’s development.
“Attachment is the lens through which children come to know what they can expect from the world around them,” she explains. “Is this going to be a safe place or a dangerous place? This is foundational to a child’s sense of their ability to navigate the world. Traumatic separation can shatter that sense of safety.”
It can affect neurobiological development
Children’s brains are especially plastic, says Dr. Gee, constantly learning to understand their environment and how to deal with stress. “Trauma that occurs in childhood can be even more consequential than trauma that occurs later in life,” she says, and experiencing these disruptions in childhood can affect the way your brain and body are primed to react to stress later on.
But heightened plasticity is a paradox, she adds. “It confers more vulnerability, but it also confers more potential for resilience — children have heightened potential for supportive intervention and for healing and recovery.”
What do the effects of traumatic separation look like?
There are acute and short-term effects that are common across kids of all ages:
Sleep problems: “It’s often one of the first things that we see: nightmares, trouble falling asleep, or a lot of crying as kids are trying to fall asleep,” Dr. Gee says.
Separation anxiety: This might look like distraction, withdrawal, or clinginess because of fear of being separated from their new caregivers, Dr. Alexander says.
But signs may take weeks or months to show up. Dr. Alexander advises caregivers to consider the child’s baseline — their typical patterns of eating, sleeping, or engaging with others. “If they’re having more trouble with sleep, they’re eating more, eating less, they’re withdrawing or expressing a lot of worried thoughts three or four months later — that’s something worth getting looked at by a clinician,” she says.
Signs of traumatic separation at different ages
“Sometimes people ask, ‘Well, when is separation the most harmful?’ It can be extremely harmful at any age,” Dr. Gee emphasizes. But there are specific signs at different developmental stages:
Infants
Babies may not be as consciously aware of being separated from a parent as older children, “but they’re fundamentally aware that their primary source of regulation and safety is missing,” Dr. Gee says. Because infants are so reliant on caregivers for nurturing and sustenance, the separation “can be experienced as a threat to their survival.” That might look like “crying a lot or becoming withdrawn,” she says. “And at any age we can see intense fear.”
Toddlers and young children (3–6)
Toddlers and young children might become extra clingy with new caregivers or show regressive behaviors like bedwetting or baby talk. Regressive behaviors happen when kids are overwhelmed by stress and can’t express themselves another way, Downie says. “It’s like your nervous system goes kind of haywire,” she explains, “so it uses the body to signal that something is wrong.”
Similarly, kids at this age might act out more, throwing more tantrums, or withdraw. They might develop selective mutism, a condition where kids are too anxious or distressed to speak, even when they want to, in certain situations or with certain people.
School-age children
School-age children might act out or experience separation anxiety. They may also struggle to understand the meaning of the separation, why it happened, or who is at fault for it. Thus, kids at this age are more prone to magical or distorted thinking and feelings of guilt, thinking or saying things like, “I’m the one that caused this” or “This is my fault.”
The weight of these distorted thoughts or other worries, Dr. Alexander says, might make it appear as though a child is struggling to concentrate or that they’re disengaged or distracted. They might withdraw in a group or be averse to stepping outside of their comfort zone.
Children who are school age or older can also experience emotional desensitization — a kind of emptiness of feeling — Downie says, which can look like spikes in irritability, a lack of empathy, not smiling or expressing positive emotions, or an inability to relate to others.
Preteens and teenagers
“I’ve seen teenagers have a lot of mistrust with systems and be very oppositional,” says Downie. “Like, ‘I don’t trust you. I don’t trust my teacher. I don’t trust this child services worker.’” It might make sense that, say, a teen in foster care would be wary of the foster care system. But Downie says it’s often a larger instinct for anger and mistrust, one that extends beyond any specific entity or person.
The teenage years are also when kids are forming their identity, and traumatic separation can fundamentally alter that process. For example, a teen with younger siblings may step into a parent role, taking on new worries and responsibilities. Conversely, teens may become more reckless in a caregiver’s absence, putting them at risk for substance abuse or incarceration.
How to help kids separated from a parent
Adults caring for a child who has been separated from a parent — family members, foster parents, teachers — “can play a profound role in supporting their mental health and resilience,” says Dr. Gee.
Validate feelings
One of the most important things caregivers can do is be present as a child reacts to their experiences, especially if and when scary feelings come up. But be careful not to lead kids or assume they feel a certain way. “You don’t want to make something more distressing to a child if it’s not presenting itself,” says Downie.
If a child expresses guilt, or says something like, “This is my fault,” there are still ways to validate the feeling without endorsing the statement, says Dr. Alexander. You might say something like: “I can understand why that thought comes to mind and how difficult it is to feel that way. When you’re ready, let’s think about other possibilities to this situation.”
Create consistency and stability
One of the hardest things about traumatic separation is the uncertainty — Where did they go? When will they come back? What is happening? Giving kids some sense of consistency and stability can help them feel safe despite the unknowns. So as much as possible, help them stick to any routines: going to school, seeing friends, doing activities they enjoy.
Dr. Alexander advises focusing on things you can control — for example, shielding kids from potentially worrying discussions in a family where a parent has been deported.
“There would likely be a lot of conversations in the home about the situation, maybe a lot of watching the news, maybe making a lot of phone calls to attorneys,” she explains. “So where are you having those conversations, and can you have them in an area or at a time of day where your kid isn’t overhearing the discussions out of context?”
For young kids, it might be as simple as asking them to play in their room. For teens, it might be better to have certain conversations when they are out of the house and invite them to participate directly in others.
Be honest but reassuring
Caregivers might not have all the answers — like knowing when a child’s parent is coming back — but they can create a sense of consistency and stability in how they respond to kids’ questions, too.
Avoid undue reassurance (“Everything is going to be fine”) or over-promising (“They’ll be back in two weeks”) by focusing on what kids can expect, says Dr. Gee. For example: “What I can tell you is that I’m here for you, and I’m going to be with you until he’s back,” or “You’re safe with me, and I’m going to stay with you through this really hard time.”
Model handling stress
Children are sensitive to tone, Dr. Alexander says. “So, if you’re having really big emotions that are out of context for a child, the child is looking at these emotions and trying to understand what’s happening. ‘Am I in danger in this specific moment?’”
She says it helps to have conversations about these moments, especially with younger kids. “Like, ‘I know you noticed mommy crying. We’re feeling really big feelings, and this is how we’re going to deal with those big feelings. I’m going to take a break. I’m going to get a sip of water. Whenever you’re having big feelings, I want you to let me know so that I can help you try doing the same things,’” Dr. Alexander says, explaining the importance of naming the emotion and then teaching kids that there are ways of dealing with it.
Long-term risks of traumatic separation
The effects of traumatic separation can persist even after a child and their caregiver are reunited. Traumatic separation, like other adverse childhood experiences, puts kids at risk for a host of long-term medical and mental health conditions, including depression, anxiety, attention issues, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).
But Downie notes that not everyone who experiences traumatic separation develops PTSD. “Just because someone’s experiencing trauma now doesn’t mean that it’s going to become a PTSD diagnosis,” she says. “A lot of the behaviors that we’re talking about are normal and expected. There’s an adjustment period when a separation happens.” But if symptoms persist or escalate over several months, a child may need more serious support.
Treatment for a trauma diagnosis
While not every child who experiences a separation may receive a trauma diagnosis or require treatment, cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) — and the more specific trauma-focused cognitive behavioral therapy (TF-CBT) — is the “gold standard,” says Downie. TF-CBT is specifically for children experiencing trauma-related symptoms. An important component of TF-CBT is creating a trauma narrative, where kids create a story about what happened to help them process it. “But if you have a child who is not ready to process and integrate that trauma, you can’t force the pacing of the treatment,” she says.
In short, a good clinician will follow a child’s lead — even if that means just sitting in the same room with them to build trust. “People really need to feel like they’re being heard and that they can trust someone,” Downie says. Which is why a supportive caregiver or trusted adult can make a big difference.
“If people can take anything away from this, it’s that you want to make kids understand that that they’re not responsible for what’s happened and that people do care about them,” Downie says. “Kids are really resilient, and they can adapt in a good-enough environment. They don’t have to have everything to be successful.”
The post What Is Traumatic Separation? appeared first on Child Mind Institute.
Group PACBT for Depression
Interventions: Drug: Psilocybin (drug); Behavioral: Group Cognitive Behavioral Therapy
Sponsors: University of California, Los Angeles
Not yet recruiting
Cultural Relevance and Acceptability of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy Techniques Adapted by AI or a Human Psychologist: Experimental Study
Background: Evidence-based psychological interventions are usually not accessed by marginalized groups such as refugees. Culturally adapted psychological interventions have reported larger effect sizes than nonadapted psychological interventions. However, the cultural adaptation of interventions is a lengthy process, entailing a challenge. One potential solution to overcome this challenge is the use of artificial intelligence (AI). Objective: The aim of this study was to investigate and compare the perceived cultural relevance and acceptability of 2 common cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) techniques when translated and culturally adapted by AI versus a human psychologist. Methods: In a 2×2 factorial design, the text generator type (AI vs human psychologist) and the CBT technique (cognitive restructuring vs behavior modification) were compared. CBT technique texts translated and culturally adapted either by AI or by a human psychologist were blindly rated using the Cultural Relevance Questionnaire and the Theoretical Framework of Acceptability. Raters were Arabic-speaking refugees and immigrants, aged between 18 and 69 years, residing in Sweden, Denmark, and Germany. Raters were randomly allocated to 1 of 4 conditions. Each condition consisted of 2 stimuli. Two-factor between-subject design analyses were used to analyze the data. Results: A significant main effect of the text generator domain type (=.02; η²=0.045) was found in the first rating, with texts adapted by the AI domain perceived as more culturally relevant than those adapted by the human domain. No significant main effect of the CBT technique was found in the first rating (=.10; η²=0.022). There were no differences in the second rating. Regarding acceptability, no significant main effects of text generator domain type (=.09; η²=0.024) or the CBT technique (=.88; η²=0.001) were found in either of the ratings. Conclusions: CBT technique materials adapted by AI may be perceived as similarly culturally relevant as those adapted by a human psychologist. This finding implies the potential to accelerate the cultural adaptation of psychological interventions. However, AI still needs to be used with caution and in accordance with rigorous safety standards and robust frameworks.
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